PS: between Action and Denial

No one needs to be reminded of the sorry state of the PS in France. The loss of the Presidential election last year once again sent the party into the introspective mode which has dogged it since MItterand left office in 1995. What can be done to save a party which is unable to stand it´s ground in front of one of the most muddled and moraly corrupt Governments of the Vth Republique? Not much since it seems that little clear ideological direction has been seen since the Jospin administration, and little leadership since the loss of the Presidentials in 1995. The most striking example of this was the last election, which showed more clearly then ever the constraints placed upon Segolene Royal as she stood for President and the problems with the left in France. The problems which the PS faces are three fold, on the level of the party (both in structure and conjuncture), on the national level, especially in the context of being in opposition to Nicolas Sarkozy and on a ideological level (as the party seems to have fallen to the general marasme of the center left Parties within Europe).

LEADERSHIP CRISIS

One big issue is leadership, as any party which seeks to lead the country needs a leader, this much is clear. This the PS seems incapable of doing. Even during the Jospin years, he had Martine Aubry and Francois Hollande tugging for creative control like high school students in some newly formed band. The same for Segolene Royal, who had to contend with the ever more entrenched Elephants du PS. The party splinters itself into different factions, forming short lived coalitions with one another, while plotting the downfall of rival coalitions. To become leader you have to put yourself forward to contend with les Fabiusards, les Delanoistes, Les Royalistes (funny coincidence, no?), and so on and so forth with each prominent member of the Party. Each one incapable of imposing him/herself in case he or she gets kicked out of the band as it were. Some say this is due to the void left by Mitterand, since he was leader for such a long time. But for god´s sake that was 14 years ago! It´s a rather cheap excuse to hide the fact that the party has too many bloated egos at the same time, while the old guard seem incapable of accepting fresh blood such as Hamond or Royal (who are either ignored or derided). This is further worsened by the actual structure of the party. For example there is no official opposition leader in Parliament or in the Party. Even more confounding is that the General Secretary for example is not the candidate for the next election. You cannot have two imposing personalities at the head of a Party, it simply does not work. As the last election showed it can even destroy a marriage (Royal/Hollande). The party clearly has too many personalities bobbing around clawing for political influence and stature, while the structure is repellent to any form of functional hierarchy.

THE BAYROU AND SARKO EFFECT

The PS does not offer an credible alternative to the currrent administration, yet it seems even incapable of fronting a credible opposition to Sarkozy. This is in part due to it´s incapacity to find a clear leader and message, but also there are Sarkozy and Bayrou to contend with.
You know the left in France is in trouble when a former member of the ruling party is providing the main opposition to Sarkozy. Though Bayrou and his center party (the MOdem) seem to epitomise more a Gaullist resistance, then a center left one. Not only that but Bayrou hopes to form a coalition with the PS at the next election (only Royal seems to have warmed to that idea). He was even invited, half jokingly half seriously, to form une motion for the next Party Convention in November. He is capable of fronting an opposition to Sarkozy, in light of his imposing presence within his party (though the fact that his party is largely his creation does help), and the vaccum left by the introverted PS.
Sarkozy also has managed to blur ideological lines to such an extent and fire highly symbolic yet minimaly important legislation (to appear at once as the trend setter but also as the reformer) that the PS simply does not know how to react. A good example of this was the creation of the RSA, which is a more effective substitute for the RMI. It would have been a perfect opprtunity to call out in unity and agree with the content, but disagree with the way it was financed (since the middle class will have to shoulder most of the burden, as opposed to the rich who are protected by a fiscal shield). The party would have presented itself as a coherent and cooperable opposition, while disagreeing with Sarkozy´s economic policies. Instead we got nothing. Nor does it help that this is traditional left wing territory, but Sarkozy is an expert at reaching to both sides of the political spectrum. The effect is worsened by the poaching of high flying former members of the left such as Kouchner and Hirsch. While the constant atmosphere of debate within the UMP, and still being able to maintain a clear leadership (as seen with Edvige) can only but weaken external opposition in the public eye.
The PS is incapable of fronting an opposition to Sarkozy, even in the light of some truly contemptible behaviour (Corsica, need i say more) and worrying legislation (Edvige for one). This is not helped by Bayrou, who benefitting from a small and operational party, has managed to provide a revival of the center in France, while spliting the party over the idea of an alliance.


LEFT WITHOUT A COMPASS

Yet this weakness is reflective of the lull in which most of the center left European Parties find themselves. The situation in Germany is very similar. With the SDP incapable of deciding wether to stay firmly on the left or move towards the center (it seems to have decided the latter for the forthcoming elections), while slowly it´s electorate is eroded by Die Linke on it´s left and the CDU from it´s center. The same can be said with the French Socialists. They are uncertain which way to turn. Whether to consolidate themselves with their base (as Aubry and Fabius clearly favour) so as to eat away at the 10-12% who voted for leftist extremists parties such as the LO or the PCF in 2007. Or whether to move to the center to either ally themselves with or engulf the Modem and the center (as Royal and Delanoe clearly favour). This trend is increasingly obvious throughout the whole of Europe. It´s visible in the failing left wing governments of the UK and Spain, and in the failings of recent elections in Italy and Germany, while it is painfully clear in France.


The PS needs to sort out the structure of it´s party. Favouring clear and established opposition: such as a the creation of a formal speaker in the Assembly and combining the posts of General Secretary and Presidential Candidate. This would impose a leader who can succesfully occupy the spectrum and present itself as opposition, while going some way to silence dissention within it´s ranks. I think an alliance with the Modem would be counter productive, since the party can simply move towards the centre and eat away at the Bayrou electorate, instead of relying on the man himself (who cannot be trusted). In very much the same way Sarkozy did with the UDF last year. Not moving towards the center would be stupid and short sighted since, the harder left will always vote for the lesser of two evils au second tour and that will always be the PS over UMP. As for the ideological move there are no easy answers, but drawing on the examples of Blair and Zapatero, I think would be a good start. That, twinned with the ideas put forward for the creation of a participatory democracy (cf Segolene Royal), would put the party at the forefront of innovative politics in a France already tired of (but at the moment resigned to) Sarkozy.

A few questions to David Davis

- Why did you not speak up before the actual vote as opposed to after? Considering this matter is something which apparently is dear to your heart and you are Shadow Home Secretary.
- Since you were partly the architect and a keen supporter of 28 days, not to mention the fact that you support the Death Penalty, doesn't this show that you're not really that big on civil liberties?
- Would you accept a seat on David Cameron's shadow cabinet, should you win the by-election, considering (as he has said) he is unlikely to repeal it if he wins the next election?


- Do you want the electorate of your constituency to vote solely on the issue of 42 days, considering most of the public support that particular piece of legislation?
- What possible difference is this going to make, what are you going to accomplish, since the bill already passed in parliament and you face no plausible opposition for your seat (labour has decided not to challenge you)?


- Why did you feel the need to resign considering your party was against the Government's proposals? Doesn't this show that you don't think David Cameron was strong enough in his opposition to 42 days detention?
- Do you have any leadership ambitions, and wasn't this whole thing about trying to further your own political agenda as opposed to defending our liberties?
- Isn't it odd that the Conservative Party is not funding your campaign? Doesn't this show that David Cameron has seen beyond your pretense and is worried that you are trying to steal his job?

I, like Davis, am against 42 days detention, but find his motives questionable and dishonest at best. This kind of blatant publicity stunt over such an important and sensitive issue further weakens the faith that the general public have in politicians , not only that but makes a mockery of the ideals we are all trying to defend by opposing this piece of Government legislation. Though I do thank him for exposing the cracks within the Conservative Party and wish him the best when it comes to damaging his party in the future.

Ponderings on a Polarised America

Tony Fabrizio a Republican Strategist for McCain has said that

One strategy for McCain is (...) to make it not about micro-policy but about ideological differences. Given Obama's record, this will be easy.

This throws into light some very interesting occurrences which have happened in the past two weeks or so, which are the result of a paradigm shift within the American political landscape. The latter Clinton years, though rife with partisanship, as well as the Bush years were defined with the two main parties easily slipping into the same political territory. That is to say it was defined by, as many have come to call them, the Republicrats. This odd political breed though bitterly partisan are easily seen as sparring on similar territory. The Clinton 08 campaign as well as the Giuliani 08 campaign can be seen in many ways as the last stand of such politics. The failure of the Neo-Conservative movement has thrown this balance off kilter and has incited a Democratic Revival and Ideological emboldening, not seen since the mid 80s or the brief hysteria of RFK. However this time they might take it to the White House. Obama's nomination is historic in itself and his ascension to the White House would have unparalleled consequences socially, politically and economically.


Up against him is the eccentric, if not slightly schizophrenic, candidate McCain. Who has gone from being seen as a liberal voice within the Republican Party, as well as a possible running mate for Kerry in 2004, to a hard-line Republican. He supports the Bush tax cuts, which he once criticized, he has hopped into bed with the Evangelicals , he so loathed and has pretty much abandoned his green credentials which he used to tout. Though his personality change is not the topic of this post, it reflects the ideological polarisation of American Politics, which has been picking up speed in the past year or so. Though his candidacy lacks the momentum of the gargantuan and hugely grassroots movement Obama has assembled around him, his candidacy has been fired up in opposition to it. He intends to present himself as a Republican through and through, with small government, gun-ho and bellicose credentials to boot. When he delivered his speech on the same night as Obama's victory, his soundbite for the evening was "No you can't". Which echoes the clear Conservatism of this campaign.



The Democratic Primaries managed in many ways to incite this debate within American Society. With a woman and a African American leading the contest from early January, it started by in a sense establishing its "liberal" credentials. The populist leanings and bleatings of Clinton in the last months of her campaign, and Obama's soaring speeches which have been compared to those of Kennedy and King, also added to this. The party is now strongly defined by strong liberal leanings. Gone are the days when the Democrats were toeing Republican Party line. Whether Obama likes it or not the party has swung to the left, and in comparison to McCain he will seem like a big Government, pacifist and "progressive" candidate. His candidacy has become the archetypal liberal campaign, as Anne Coulter would say, and for once she's not entirely wrong.

The reason for this seems two fold. Firstly the party has rallied itself around a new and ground breaking candidate, who goes beyond anything the democrats could have hoped for. This is because in style Obama is personable like Bill Clinton, affable like Kennedy and revolutionary like Martin Luther King. He is void of the baggage of the past and is not divisive, unlike his opponent Clinton. And Secondly he also has picked up on a wave of discontent which has been born out of the Iraq war, the loss of disposable income felt by most Americans, and the recent antipathy towards the Republican Agenda after 9/11 (again unlike most leading Democrats, including Hillary Clinton). The dissatisfaction which most Americans now feel gives the Democratic Party an opportunity to be more radical as it were and possess what in 2004 would be considered an "unpatriotic" agenda. One last thing I believe that the drawn out primary season has helped the party to rediscover it's identity and to an extent expose fully the divisions in the party. Therefore it will be easier to understand and to an extent try and pacify the factions within the party. Unlike McCain who seems to have won, without putting up much of a fight, due to the lack of choice within a much more fragmented party. Which explains the sudden shift from McCain to Bush III, so as to preserve the disintegrating coalition of business elites and the religious right, which it can't seem to move beyond.

The debate is raging through American Society as the forces of Conservatism and Liberalism collide headlong, and the contest has galvanised huge swathes of the population. Some states which historically have always been "safe", that is to say defined by a political stripe, are up for grabs. Which again shows how this Primary season has unsettled and rattled the political and stale consensus of the past 25 years or so.

How will this play out? No one knows, since both camps are at about even in every national poll, though it would seem that Obama has the edge. Except for the poll published by FOX news which puts McCain largely ahead, but anyone with half a brain should take anything published by that network with a pinch of salt.

The independents and the lower classes are undecided and the election will clearly be decided on those two demographics. McCain and Obama are even with independents. But McCain is largely ahead with the lower classes, which is something Obama needs to work on, though clearly his agenda would benefit them more. This shows that this disconnect has more to with the colour of his skin and seeming elitism (since Clinton had the edge over McCain when it came to these voters). However should this fail it would be interesting to see if Obama's campaign which has been twinned with a campaign for registering the young and disenfranchised voters (who historically sympathise with the Democrats) would be able to cancel out this working class Republicanism.

Either way this injection of dynamism and energy into a political debate has to an extent helped America smash glass ceilings and the political stalemates of the past 8 years. This very public debate on issues of race, gender and morality, showed the world an element of maturity twinned with a renewed optimism which many felt had eluded America for a very long time . The election trail is going to be fascinating to watch.

Une Folie Soudaine

Il quitte sa maison,
Se heurte au vent glacial,
ce fut bien la saison,
Tout parait normal,
Une surface de formes et de couleurs,
sans aucune définition,
vide de secondes, minutes et heures,
Il n'a plus la même vision.


Le chemin cadré de verdure,
un ciel pommelé,
plus rien ne parait si sure,
un peu parsemé,

Il suit le chemin,
Un trajet simple et prédéfinit,
portable et sac en main,
dans ses yeux un léger ennui.

Il s'arrête au bord du trottoir,
Un moteur hurle, une voiture course,
il en résulte une collision de rouge et de noir,
Pourquoi? On n'en connaitra jamais la source.

LisbOFF

The Irish Vote last week was the only referendum to be held in all of the 27 countries of the EU as to whether or not the Lisbon treaty should be adopted. The fate of one of the most important and innovative texts of the European Union was left in the hands of a nation of around 6 million people (representative of just around 1% of the EU population), and the treaty was rejected by 53.4% to 46.6%. Mostly because voters were uncertain about what the treaty actually meant and what it stood for. Declan Ganley head of minority party Libertas was heard on Saturday heralding the defeat of the treaty as a slap in the face of much reviled Eurocrats. He went on to say "This is democracy in action... and Europe needs to listen to the voice of the people". This is reflective of mainly three things: the ignorance of the population at large as to the objectives of the European Union and the Lisbon treaty, the distorted and infuriating diatribes of the right wing/nationalist forces as well as the dangerously passé and archaic mechanisms of European Politics.

It's important to remember that the actual vote in Ireland was meant to be an easy thing, most were more worried about the Treaty not being passed in the UK's upper House, or even in the Spanish Congress. But no one was really worried about the Irish referendum until a few bothersome polls showed the no camp gaining ground about a week or so ago. And then again there only were faint worried whispers within the international press and the hallways of the European Parliament two days before the actual vote.
So should we be worried that a State like Ireland, which has established fairly strong European credentials, has rejected the treaty? I don't think so, because firstly the turnout was very low indeed with only 53.1% turning up at the polls and secondly most voted "no" because they did not understand the actual text and thought it might affect issues such as abortion. That in itself is not an anti-Europe vote, but more a pathetic squeal of nationalism galvanising a backdrop of apathy and uncertainty.
How could such voters be so ill informed? After all there is a wealth of articles and numbingly simple "the Lisbon Treaty explained" 10 point summaries available so easily on the internet and in the media. It seems so mind bogglingly odd that no one knows what it's about. In fact it seems to me that most hide behind the length the Treaty to mask their laziness and ignorance, but that's my angry defeated opinion. A more pondered approach however would show that, in fact, as well as being slightly lazy, the population were mostly fed these Soviet/Evil Empire/EU Comparisons ad nauseam (apparently Barosso is the new Stalin)by a frighteningly biased media, who happily dispense of fact for opinion, while the more liberal press and the prominent proponents of the treaty kept quiet, for some odd reason or other (most probably arrogance). The information out there was unlikely to swing it in favour of the the "Yes" vote.

It's not so much the Irish "No" which makes a Europhile's blood boil, but the snide look of victory on the faces of the "no" camp, which make for a sickening spectacle. Declan Ganley (Libertas) was not the only smug half wit celebrating in Dublin on Friday, but his speech was particularly poignant. In that he said this was a victory for democracy and the people of Ireland. He went on to say that he wanted a collective of nations, not some Federal State administered by a number of Belgians and Germans, using some overly convoluted and undemocratic text to undermine national sovereignty and democracy (see summaries are not that hard).
What he seems completely incapable of realising is that should the treaty have been passed, largely undemocratic areas of the actual European Union would have been sorted out. With for example the creation of a more visible and accountable figurehead, a parliament with greater jurisdiction, greater powers to European Courts, not to mention a more prominent role on the world stage (something which Ireland could only dream of), and so on. So by opposing such measures, he is leaving the EU in flux more then anything, still undemocratic and with no significant progress made.
Another thing he said was that the text was too long. But I guess that would be normal because a man of such simplistic reasoning simply cannot even begin to process the difficulties and the vast tasks/undertakings which the EU has to deal with. Hence the need for a developed and pluralistic bureaucracy to cope with such demands. While at the same time it has to deal with being tugged at on all sides, by these pathetic nationalisms, which in fact create more opt outs and exceptions, clauses and fine detail. People overlook the fact that that in itself MAKES THE TREATY MUCH LONGER AND MORE DIFFICULT TO UNDERSTAND. One of the main reasons it has become so complicated is because morons like the head of Libertas make it so.
One last argument is this idea that somehow countries have not benefited from European integration. In all of the three pillars of the EU, the Union helped innovate, create and rationalise many areas in which European countries (especially Ireland which has benefited much more then most) were lagging behind and are now able to compete on the world stage. Without the stability and economic prosperity which the European Union has given us, the values of Democracy and Freedom which so many within the "No" camp claim to be defending would simply not exist. Though of course it has not been perfect and the Union has not solved all national problems, it is undeniable that it has been a huge and indispensable asset to us all and still has a lot to offer.



However it is easy to sit back and blame ignorance and others for the recent failings of the EU. Blame lies strongly with the Europhiles and the way European Politics is conducted. Brown and Cowen should have stood up and explained the treaty in detail and not avoided all questions. When they don't, it gives the impression that the transparency of the European Union is very limited and is likely to continue to be, once more power seeps into the European Parliament and Council. Thanks to them and the apparent rejection of democracy (though last time I checked national congress was elected, but hey...)by not having referendums, Brussels has never seemed more detached from the streets of Belfast, Dresden and The Hague, and never has it seemed so self serving. No wonder they rejected it. I'm not protesting at the lack of referendums (I don't believe in them), but a lack of discourse is dishonest and disheartening, not to mention defeatist. It's like saying "I know what's best for you and for us, but I'm not going to tell you because you won't understand". This kind of patronising behaviour by the Governing Class shows a dangerous lack of belief in the principles of democracy and overlooks the good which can come from of an informed and intelligible public debate.

Should we have more pro-active European MEPs and supporters on the forefront of politics today this problem would not have presented itself. The EU needs to be more honest and open, it needs to challenge and defend as opposed to hide and litigate, it needs to assuage fears, not encourage them. The Lisbon Treaty will pass, as did it's predecessors even when they were rejected a first time, but that does not mean that the EU can continue the way it is. Otherwise I fear the worst, there is nothing more scary then a nationalist backlash.

Icarus: Atheist

A story.
A walk.
An experience.
He questioned it, pondered it, savoured it almost, his taste buds tingling, the hairs on the back of his neck, standing. He felt like a cliché, a sell-out for such pretentious musings, but revelled in their psycho-somatic manifestations, and the prism it placed on the world around him.The simplification before him levelled his heart, and lightened his mind like some drug bought off a street corner.The bitter sweet after-taste due to his awareness of it's effect. It's reductionist nature bought at once a sense of diving close enough into this basic human condition while not being burnt by the inevitable nihilism which underlies all such undertakings. His escape from Crete, a womb of sorts, was not to be marred any longer by the sun because he knew the dangers.

He knew them too well as a sadness crept in and the lines of cuts on his arms glistened in the crescent moon, reminding him of past reveries and the brutal realisation process that ensued. So all that he was left with was a blank page, upon which all was a mere construct,a series of lies and delusions. Such a burn had sent him in the past hurtling down to the sea, towards ignorance and drowning, towards that all too real suffocation.

No clever words, nor pretty turns of phrase could detract from it, or form an alternative to this gaping truth. No saintly religion or colourful philosophy could fully block out this black sun and it's distressing rays. One had simply to distract oneself, look at the fish below.

One always feels the sun reddening one's skin, scorching it, bubbling it (reason and incredulity dictated that he never really had a choice in that respect). His life would have to play out this way, unable to "combler le vide", living on a knife's edge as it were. Teetering on the fine line between meaning and nothingness, while making sure the wax of his wings did not melt, though having to put up with searing heat and more often then not burning flesh.

Rantings of a disbeliever...

Thanks to the wonderful browse function on this blogsite I was able to find a number of Christian bloggers. As I continued browsing over their numerous posts exalting God for his purported greatness and Jesus for dying for us and yadiyada, I couldn't help feeling slightly sickened by this complete delirium which most seem to get into when they join these new age Christian cults. Photos of people who smile dreamily and whose eyes have that slight glaze over them as if they were on crack, stare back at you, on a backdrop of misty eyed adulation and prose for their spiritual leader and master. I have many a time tried to challenge them on their beliefs and the fundamental flaws in their ideology, yet have failed each time since I was either talking to morons or people who refused to see the truth for fear that their whole world would crumble and they might actually have to face up to a few cold realities.

I'm not an Atheist, since I subscribe to no belief, nor do I have the arrogance to know whether or not a God exists, because it's clearly obvious that we don't know and we should not assume he/she/it does. It's not a case of God not existing, it's more one of me making an educated assertion in assuming that he doesn't unless I'm proven wrong, there is a fundamental difference between the two, which I don't feel I have to explain, unless you want me to start talking about Unicorns and how we can't disprove their existence either.



When you confront them about their beliefs, they say they have proof in that they have felt God, and "spoken" to him. When I hear this I desperately try and suppress laughter as I can't think of anything more self involved and deluded then someone saying that God who created this whole vast universe would contact them and give them relationship advise or comfort them over their recent woes, by sending them a message in their cornflakes.
If you look at the world through a prism, you can see a harmony within everything as everything fits together, it's the same with Marxism, Socialism or any other ideology, religion reduces the world to suits it's ends.
It reminds me of the grossly overrated film the Dreamers, when a young man is talking to an old poet, yet the young man is not listening to the rather dull bleatings of the poet, as he is playing with a tin lighter. Once the Poet realises that the boy is not listening he asks him why he is playing with this lighter, the boy responds that the lighter fits in many places, the side fits on the pattern in the table cloth, the top fits on some pattern on the floor, fitting in various other places such as the poet's nose and ears, and so on and so forth... then the boy looks up and says "If you look closely enough, at the shapes which surround us and the way everything seems to fit together, it's almost as if there is some cosmic harmony". Well he seems to overlook the unfortunate fact that if you look at the world through one object (in this case a tin lighter) you are bound to find some kind of Cosmic binding force.
So should someone receive a "sign" from God, it is often the case that they are in fact overlooking the most likely cause of this supposed sign which is the random nature of life. If you choose to interpret events in the light of God then of course things fall into place, as ideology is reductionist, which means it's more a case of "believing is seeing", as opposed to "seeing is believing", which makes religion sound like some horror film about Ghosts in an Orphanage. You can project meaning onto anything, trust me I know I study politics.


As for feeling god and hearing him, well I suggest padded rooms and medication, because that's not God that's schizophrenia. But more seriously we should not overlook the psychosomatic effects of our mindset which can make us do and feel a huge number of things. I remember one night, I went on an evening stroll with a friend through the Streets of London, we were deep in conversation about spirits and ghosts, stories and dreams, good and evil, we were chasing the shadows of the night looking for excitement and inspiration. When we neared Hyde Park, I was persuaded that I could see shadows floating towards us, my friend saw them too, and we ran for our lives. We didn't see Ghosts, or malevolent spirits we saw what we wanted to see, projecting our mindset and our needs onto the outside world, seeing what we wanted to see.



The thing which strikes me most however is the odd link with the Bible. How is something which in the light of modern day science and technology has to be taken with a ton of salt, Gospel truth? Now don't get me wrong, the Bible is an important moral text, but it is clearly nothing more. Since Adam and Eve is largely disproved doesn't this show that the Bible is wrong, and why can't these people apprehend that? Some talk about the predictions of the creation of Israel being mentioned in the book, hence it is Gospel Truth, PRAISE THE LORD FOR THIS IS TRULY THE WORD OF GOD! But hang on, does that mean that Nostradamus was God? or the messenger of God? I mean he did get a few things right, no? Plus he does have a great big beard. Also bear in mind where do the Dinosaurs fit in all this?
My main point is, if you believe in intelligent design, you cannot accept the Bible as Gospel truth but only as a moralistic text. If however you do believe in the Bible then clearly you don't come from a large enough Gene Pool or you're an idiot. If you look at it in the light of the big bang, and presume God was the one who created it, I don't see the link between the physics of the Big Bang/Universe, and the assumption that God, not only created this big bang, but is also the one mentioned in the Bible. As if you do accept modern science (which anyone with half a brain should) then you are clearly making two leaps of Faith, one that God exists and two that the one in the Bible is the one true god (even though the Bible is wrong in many areas).

I will save further musings for another post. But I have to say one more thing which really grates me with these people is they think you are going to hell, for things such as homosexuality, or sex before marriage, or even anger and hatred, or for not fellating their Leader our Saviour Jesus Christ, which coming from a bunch of people who have such flawed reasoning, adds a rather unfortunate morose tinge to their rather funny and innocent freak show. This may make me seem intolerant, but I only am in the face of intolerance and ignorance.

God Speed.

Die Stille (3)

J’ai poignardé ta paume,
Un prix élevé pour m’avoir montré
La douceur de tes mains et donc ton âme,
Comme ton sang, tes larmes n’arrêtent pas de couler,

Eros est tout à fait bidon,
L’abîme des faibles et des connards,
Une cacophonie de gouts et de sons,
Pour empêcher un supposé destin vide, gris et cafard.

Ne te perd pas dans cette chaleur d’or,
Il y a une dissonance avec notre réel intérêt,
Ne te jettes pas dans mes bras et cache ton corps,
Mais je m’en rassure et je vous préviens ca ne durera pas l’été.

Die Stille (2)

Pour qu’on l’annonce a tout les humains
De Grands Statuts et d’ovations,
Le peuple hurle à la perte de la chaleur entre ses reins,
À la fraicheur de sa copulation.

Je vois les ruelles peuplées de pauvres
Affamés, drogués, ensorcelés,
Des Cœurs couverts de merde et de morve
Et vous vous oubliez ces damnées !

Les portes s’ouvriront et bientôt d’un marais rougeâtre,
Pas d’une politique sinistre, gauche et ternie,
Mais d’une faim et d’une soif si pleinement âpres,
La Schizophrénie des rues sera établit.

A Chameleon, a car salesman and a bleach blond fop take over CCHQ... what happens?

"La rupture, ce sont souvent des réformes transgressives en symboles mais marginales sur la substance."


Many have heralded the recent Tory fortunes as the signs of a New Conservative Era, signs that New Labour has run out of steam and that the Cameron brand is a viable alternative to the current administration, brimming with new ideas and hope. I must admit that when the local election results were announced a few weeks ago, I was gripped by an intense panic, for the first time since I have been politically active it well and truly seemed that New Labour was dead in the water and that Cameron was effectively going to be the next prime minister, the Tories were on the road back to Downing Street. But now that the dust has settled, that New Labour have been rattled and the smirks on the Tory front benches have grown wider, my panic was lessened, replaced however by a growing sense of disgust, at once at the misfortunes of Labour and the complete hypocrisy of the Conservative Party.

Watching the Conservative Party today one would think they have entered the realm of Narnia, surely we're looking at the wrong party. I couldn't help thinking as I watched David Cameron address the Prime Minister in the Commons that I was watching some kind of freak show, as the Leader of the opposition criticized the Prime Minister for his removal of the 10p tax band and his abandonment of the poor. What made me sick however was at once his complete inconsistency with what he had voted for the previous year and his complete incapacity to promise it's reinstatement should he help his party return to power in 2010, despite his rebirth as a man with a social conscience, sticking up for the little guy. It was as if I was on the mother of all come downs and someone had stuck U2 on, I had to stop watching as my stomach nor my nerves could take it.

What people seem to forget is that the negative effect the removal of the 10p tax rate has upon lower incomes is in the process of being corrected, which is by the by a lot more then any Conservative administration would do. For god's sake they were against it's creation in 1999, as they were against the minimum wage and various forms of tax credits for the poor. How dare they launch such an attack on Labour when in fact they honestly could not give a toss about lower income earners. The worst affront was the seeming incapacity to back up this outcry, with any meaningful policies or proposals: this was cheap point scoring by a most sinister PR man.

Now this doesn't mean Labour are absolved for their mistake. The mistake which they tried to cover up and backtrack on, was a clear sign of a party which has lost touch with it's purpose and is falling behind on the promises it made in 1997, 2001 and 2005. Labour has accomplished much in the last 11 years, it has made an outstanding effort to reduce poverty in this country, increase equal opportunity and in the process has managed to combine this with modern and mostly effective supply side policies. But Brown is low on ideas and originality, his time has come I feel, but I'll save this for a later post. The Conservatives, who despite giving us a new way of approaching State intervention and monetary policy, fed the illusion of freedom to us for 18 years on the twin opiums of greed and nationalism, while plundering our social services and making sure that one child in three was born in poverty: I don't think any of us should forget that on polling day in May 2010, when we cast our votes.

Cameron may be charming, with his weak chin and his "call me dave" airs, while his eminence grise, Osborne, may be professional and brutally intelligent. But this Notting Hill brigade which rides bicycles and tries to reduce it's carbon footprint, while hugging hoodies at the same time, is but a complete pretence upheld by a most brutal and dogmatically monetarist party, who view their so called "natural role" as the leaders of this country, as some kind of celestial providence.

Cameron has done nothing to modernise his party into the centre ground. They seem to have little to show for their apparent adherence to the third way, their policy output beyond giving a couple of tax cuts to the rich and opposing Government proposals, not for the general good, but to score a few points, is a vain attempt to cover up their complete and utter policy vacuum. What surprises me most is the general public's complete lack of awareness as to this. Cameron has simply painted over the cracks of the party and benefited hugely from the popular fallout of Labour since the botched election plans last autumn.

His party is still hugely anti-Europe, it can barely hide it's elitist leanings behind the rather weak attempts to defend the 10p tax band, nor can they say they have any proposals to modernise the NHS and better our education system, beyond the tediously overused phrases of "waste management" and "rationalisation", which can only be interpreted as tax cuts and neglect (the effects of which I don't feel I need to remind anybody of) since they have proposed ABSOLUTELY nothing and Labour with it's audits and managerial emphasis on public services is doing it's best to rationalise anyway.


Alan Duncan MP and Tory front bencher, said to Labour Health minister Alan Johnson last Thursday that Labour "are just as bad as us". This clearly shows where the part is at, so to speak. Benefiting hugely from public disaffection with Brown and effectively being considered a protest vote last month, as opposed to an aspirational one, Cameron and his Etonian chums may grin and smirk, but we should all hope and pray that this rather farcical and frankly offensive freak show which is the Conservative "Manifesto" will be revealed for what it is sooner rather then later, and these absurd and mostly redundant Labour/Conservative comparisons dropped. Before these buffoons and PR men enter Downing Street and realise they have nothing to offer but silly smiles and comic appearances on topical game shows, and we all suffer as a result.

Who's left?

"Quand les hommes ne peuvent plus changer les choses, ils changent les mots."
Jean Jaurès

A year on from their loss to Sarkozy and 6 years from their loss to Le Pen, the PS has not been able to go beyond it's largely uncomfortable and disjointed Gauche Plurielle, the left cause isn't stuck in 1968 it's stuck in 1982. The Socialist in the Socialist Party became redundant the moment Mitterant admitted the failure of his Statist economic policy in 1981, since then it has been relying on it's own dwindling electoral base and the imposing personality of it's leader, that and a divided RPR. Ever since the end of the Mitterand years, the left seems unable to move on and challenge it's principles, and it's electoral success (if any) has more to do with the failures of it's opponents (Sarkozy and Chirac) then the actual popularity of their policies and their visions.

That's not to say that Jospin or Royal were not appealing to the French Electorate, but the dissatisfaction with the Party was evident in 1995 and 2002, with the trickling away of votes to the extremes, as was it's redundancy in 2007, considering the Campaign wasn't really a movement for change, more one against change with a pretty smile. If one were to look at the actual election pledges and promises of the Socialist Manifestos of 2002 and 2007 they are largely the same, though one was called "le droit d'inventaire" and the other "Le Pacte Presidentiel" they only differed really in presentation and wording. Though the latter did stress the importance of knowing La Marseillaise and Flag Waving, one does wonder whether the party is stuck in some odd time warp.

The party has been promptly deserted by two of it's most promising and in my opinion Presidential Members: Bernard Kouchner and Dominique Strauss Kahn. The former, joining the Fillon Government upon it's election and subsequently being excluded from the Party, and the latter, being so embarrassed by the state of the Party and tired of it's seeming unwillingness (though clear need) for a social democratic revolution, has gone and joined the ranks of the IMF.

Other leading Socialists such as Francois Hollande and Martine Aubry have disappeared into the wilderness, not that they have much to offer anyway in terms of novelty and fresh thinking. So what are we left with? What's left? (I will stop with the bad puns soon, I promise) Well the factions seem to have risen and polarised since the fallout of last year's election which resulted in the lynching of failed candidate Royal by a party shamelessly unable to admit collective defeat.

The first we can identify, is the one which has always existed, the branch epitomised by Laurent Fabius, as former Prime Minister in the 80s, he's no spring chicken and neither are his ideas which are pretty much your standard socialist agenda. He represents the old administration of the Mitterand years and what some would qualify the comfort zone of the Party.Bertrand Delanoë (the recently re-elected Mayor of Paris) and Segolene Royal are sparring on similar territory, both trying to bring the Party more to the centre, both claiming to represent the third way for the Party. Their approach differs more in tactic then actual ideology, as Segolene Royal intends to forge an alliance with the centre party Modem, while Delanoë prefers to foster change within the party itself.

While to some this might seem like the burgeoning of a direction for the party, the dust has yet to be stirred, as they all may talk of change or renewed outreach, but their words mean little since no new ideas are coming to the fore and the debate within the party is very stale. After all talk of change has been going on since 1995 by roughly the same people.

The recent blues of the Sarkozy administration has given the Party a boost in support which has once again delayed the perceived need for change, and encouraged that dreadful spirit of nostalgia for their Golden Age and their subsequent apathy. The leaders of the Party are all too busy with their own self promotion to bother trying to unify the party, while other party elders are scared to interfere for fear that the party will tear itself to pieces and split.

Hollande needs to be more open to debate and start trying to reforge the identity of the party instead of idly watching the Punch and Judy show which is the forefront of Socialist politics today. They also need to start challenging the Government, that is to say not only defining themselves as opposition but as credible opposition. With the death of the centre which has been incorporated into the UMP (UDF) or failed miserably (Modem) and the current dissatisfaction with Sarkozy gives the party an opportunity to fill in the gap and set the tone of the political debate.

Reforming the Secu to become income assessed, or the liberalisation of Universities, the end of weapons manufacturing and selling to Third World Countries, an end to the witch hunt for the Sans Papiers, a specialisation of Secondary education or the rationalisation of medical reimbursements... there are so many notions and values inherent to the left which can be translated into the modern post industrial consensus.Though I'm mainly basing myself on some of DSK's ideas, there is hope for the resurgence of a more effective and pragmatic left in France which doesn't need to become the burnt out husk New Labour is today, but at the moment very little.

It's not a good time to be a Socialist in France.

Failed Leader of a Divided Kingdom:

Amid wide speculation as to whether Brown will win the next elections in 2010, I think the more interesting question is whether he’ll make them. Not because of some backbencher rebellion, embarrassing commons defeat or the possible announcement of leadership ambitions by John Denham or David Miliband, but because of the end of the British Union which has existed since 1707. Wendy Alexander, head of Scottish Labour, has made a U-Turn which would even make Harriet Harman blush. She has announced after months of deriding the idea and arguing against it, that she wants a referendum on Scottish independence. This is likely to happen in 2010 that is to say at the next General Election. The MP for Kirkcaldy and Cowdenbeath may find himself unable to stand for the leadership of this Country, since it would simply cease to exist. Now, not only does he need to guarantee that his party will let him stand again, after the dire electoral performance last week and the humiliating loss of London to a buffoon, but he also needs to keep the country together.



Gordon Brown has known about the resurgence of Scottish Nationalism and the threat it represents to his leadership for a long time. This is why he can often be heard mumbling something about Britishness and his British Patriotism, not to mention the creation of a Britain Day. While most chuckle gently at this rather misplaced and slightly American form of Flag waving, Gordon Brown’s career and future as Prime Minister depend on it.However as with most of Brown’s vision and ambitions for the Country, it has not translated into a reality and the UK has never been so fragmented and divided.



That’s not to say that Alex Salmond is standing on some Hill, armed with sword and shield announcing the Freedom of his people, as a fatter and uglier version of Mel Gibson. However the ascension of a minority nationalist government in Edinburgh ,regardless of then Chancellor of the Exchequer and soon to be Prime Minister Gordon Brown, in may 2007, was a clear sign that Scots were not satisfied with the efforts of devolution under Blair and Brown. The loss of support Labour suffered in the 2007 elections was also down to the War in Iraq and Trident. The grip the Labour Party has upon Edinburgh and Scottish politics has been on the wane since its peak in 1998 after the Scotland Act. Membership to the party in Scotland has just about halved since Blair took office. It also has a weak position in Parliament due to it’s relegation to 2nd place, behind the resurgent SNP and is suffering from the collapse of it’s coalition with the Liberal Democrats. Brown’s grip upon Scotland has further weakened.

This was twinned with a rise in nationalism mostly because of a sense of economic independence due to the recent hike in oil revenue and the recent prosperity of the Economy. Add to this a Scottish Government, though a minority one, intent on defending Scottish interests and expanding it’s jurisdiction over certain matters: the Nationalist agenda has never been so alive.


The most interesting rift however is within the usually well whipped (forgive the expression) Labour Party. Wendy Alexander went against the direct orders of Gordon Brown in announcing a Party U-Turn on the idea of a referendum. Her intention was to deflect attention from the recent funding scandals within the party and finally put the issue of independence to rest, while at the same time distancing herself from the increasingly and depressingly unpopular Brown, which might give Scottish Labour a boost.



A seemingly more cooperative Unionist Labour could assuage the mounting support for independence. Recent polls suggest that support for independence is rising but still on slightly lower then opposition to it, which means Labour can still counter this trend. Brown’s plans for the creation of a regional Senate (similar to the Bundesrat) in the place of the House of Lords, introduces an element of Federalism which could satisfy a number of Nationalists. This on a backdrop of greater constitutional protection as European Integration intensifies and ideas for a bill of Rights become more concrete, both of which will naturally boost Scottish independence from the National Executive. Gordon Brown should also devolve more power in fiscal and welfare regulation to Edinburgh. These possible reforms could keep the prospect of a united kingdom and Gordon Brown’s Leadership alive.

The implications for Brown are great, that is to say that a lot is riding on the next election, and that the Labour Party might not want to risk going into it with Brown as leader considering his rather spectacular loss of support and the possibility of Scottish independence. His baggage might be too much for some within the Party to stomach. Blood is most likely to be spilt should Brown continue to fumble around and make a complete hash of his premiership (which seems quite likely). This of course is being played up by Cameron who now unfortunately speaks for most of England, and benefits from this peculiar phenomenon by protesting about the redistribution of wealth between England and Scotland and the right Scottish MPs have to vote on English matters (the West Lothian Question). The Conservative Party is not really interested in the preservation of the Union as it would be a decisive blow to Labour should Scotland secede from the UK and, thus increasing their grip on Westminster(since they are absent in Scotland)

Personally I think he and Harman should be given the boot (he has become far too much of a liability now) and John Denham step up to the challenge. Unfortunately not many miracles happen in British politics and we are likely to see a long, drawn out and painful end to Brown’s career as we all stand back in shock at how wrong we were about him. If he doesn't act now, his legacy is going to be an divided nation, a crushed Labour Party and another 20 years of Tory government.

Rear View Mirror

Hindsight is an odd thing. I found these rather overly emphatic scribbles nearly a year after the Presidential Election in 2007. The first one was written before le premier tour and the second a l'entre deux tours.




The case for Segolene Royal... (21rst April 2007)

Though I may not have the right to vote in this upcoming election, I have through much deliberation come to the conclusion that France should vote Segolene Royal this Sunday and in the second round. I have come to this conclusion for three main reasons: firstly, her consistent programme, her accessibility,and thirdly, she is the only one capable of beating Sarkozy.

Throughout her whole campaign she has retained a consistent line in her programme, though sometimes tinted by odd populism (which is inherent to being a politician) such as all the french should learn la Marseillaise and brandishing French flags. She is not however prone to outbursts of machoism and one-upmanship which characterises the election trails of karcher brandishing Sarkozy or the "virile" Bayrou. She has kept a strong modern socialist programme which is much more palatable then the vacuum of Bayrou (who doesn't know his right from his left) or the liberal-dirigiste-multiculturaliste-nationaliste muddled promises of the candidat UMP.
She may not be a fantastic orateur but one thing she does have is an interaction with the people which Sarkozy (who hasn't stepped anywhere remotely banlieux since the riots) or Bayrou could only dream of... To put it simply she hasn't cut herself off from a whole part of the French population. She has the capacity to debate with people which is at once refreshing and bold since her programme is a systhesis of the wishes of the french people (from all backgrounds and origines). She has been criticized many a time for a lack of consistency but in the last month she has turned up trumps proposing a very concrete programme and a vision of France which is at once forward looking and pragmatic. She hasn't got the arrogance of Bayroux or Sarkozy who assume that their ideas are the ones the french need, she has made herself open to debate and rid herself of the shackles of the French socialist party ideology, while allying herself with intelligent and strong men of the left such a Strauss-Kahn. People say she hasn't revolutionised the Socialist party into a "nouveau party socialist" but as I said before she is not constrained by the party and to add to it, the French left once in power seem to be a lot more pragmatic then the right.

Finally France needs Segolene Royal because Sarkozy is dangerous and she is the only one who can beat him. Anti-Sarkozysme has become a past time in France for a whole part of the population, no other man in French history has been so popular and yet so loathed. He has many assets, but his authoritarian nature ("misnistre de l'identite nationale et de l'immigration" for one) and lack of communication beyond police shields and angry words to a whole half of the french population, makes the prospect of a Sarkozy presidency unthinkable. A president should be capable of communicating to the whole French people, he doesn't have that capacity nor does he wish to. She has the depth and strength to beat him, unlike Bayrou who is as Le Pen so correctly put it a "bulle sondagiere".
She has many faults and she is in no means representative of all my beliefs but she appears to be the best and the only one who won't sink France lower then it has already sunk, and who offers a real alternative to Gaullism which has cursed France since the great man was president himself.In conclusion France needs her.




The end of one man's dream and a nation's nightmare? (26th of April 2007)

From the day the results were shown everybody said Sarkozy will win hands down. With a historically high score nothing seems capable to stop this man from holding the keys to the coveted Elysee Palace. Segolene Royal, though she herself receiving a high score in the first round, has been told many a time that she will not be able to "rassemble" around her a sufficient amount of people to beat Sarko on the 7th of May. With an electoral base of around 40% the left in France has never had a tougher challenge. All the sondages gave Sarkozy a hands down victory against Royal ranging between 55-45 or 53-47 in favour of Sarko.

Things now however do not seem so sure with the results of a recent poll showing the gap between the two becoming smaller (49-51 in favour of Sarkozy). This slide coming from the sudden surge in optimism of a reinvigorated left throwing away the dark shadow of 2002 and combating more fervently against the negative and populist election slogans of a politically muddled Sarkozy, who finds it normal to quote Jaures and Blum in his speeches, when he knows nothing of the words compassion, humanity and dialogue.

Madame Royal is also gaining ground on the electorate of M. Bayrou. Unlike Sarkozy, she is perceived as a more centrist candidate. To add to this the manner in which she wishes to woo the UDF electorate is one of discussion and debate, unlike M.Sarkozy's threats and masochist flexing of political muscle, which shows clearly the different ways in which the Presidential hopefuls wish to govern France in the future. One can therefore understand why the Bayrou electorate is expected to vote in favour of Royal.

The election day is looming closer and closer, France will have to make a choice between two visions of the future. One in which intolerance, violence, "false promises" and "deception" (as Sarkozy said himself about the post election period), reign or one in which compromise, dialogue and hope will be King (pun not intended). The choice is clear.

The Presidency is Obama's to lose.

Illinois Senator Barack Obama is set to clinch the Democratic nomination for the Presidential election this November. He holds a comfortable lead in the delegate/super delegate count (a 112 advantage) along with a string of impressive wins in Primaries over the past fortnight from a strong and highly organised/active grass roots movement. This gives him an undeniable edge over his ever weaker rival, Senator for New York, Hilary Clinton. However in the process of getting the nomination and the bitter factional war between him and the former first lady, his election campaign may have been weakened and could subsequently snatch defeat from the jaws of victory. Leading to another guaranteed four years of a Republican Executive and a disheartened Liberal America.

REVITALISED DEMOCRATS AND FACTIONS

The old popular anecdote of waiting for a bus, then two coming along at the same time is oddly reminiscent of the Democratic Primaries. After a revitalized party following the 2006 Democrat controlled Congress, fresh and challenging blood was thrown forward in the search for a rupture with the morose Bush years. The search for a figurehead to lead the Democrats and reverse the period of Democrat decline since the loss of the Congress in 1994, was in full swing once the novel and interesting line up of candidates was presented last January. Barack Obama and Hilary Clinton presented an opportunity for change, both being controversial candidates, for understandable and patently obvious reasons, though very different in approach. Since the shock of Iowa and the loss of it's air of invincibility, the Clinton campaign has been on a slow decline, however she has not gone down without a fight. Her highly competitive and ruthless campaign team, has torn into Obama on many an occasion and bred resentment for the Illinois Senator within her camp, which could defect to either Nader or McCain. Obama's support rests primarily on the middle class, independents and a youth base, the last of which is susceptible to being unreliable on election day. The importance of the Clinton/Obama feud is to assess how much of an electoral crossover we can establish between Obamaniacs and Clintonites, not to mention the effect of the McCain nomination.

CLINTON'S BASE

Clinton's base of mostly white collar and more conservative factions of the Democratic Party (though this is not more widely recognised) does not cross over naturally to Obama. Americans have a strong non- partisan tradition in voting behaviour and voting patterns, as the party system is primarily based around candidates not the party system or ideology. This is best exemplified by Reagan's Democrats in the 1980's which helped push through much of his agenda and the Senatorial Defections following the loss of Congress in 1994. Clinton also has strong support among certain minority groups such as Latinos and South East Asians, not to mention a strong showing among the black population, though that seems to have been eroded by Obama. The immigrant vote is likely to transfer directly to him. Obama does benefit from the establishment of a new party system post Bush, which gives way to a more polarised party political spectrum, the shift of the conservative democrats to a Republican base, has given the political parties are more defined idealogical framework (though compared to their European parties are still very weak). A democratic party which is more centred on anti republican feeling and a strong liberal agenda (Universal healthcare, troop withdrawal, end to 2001 Bush tax cuts,...) is going to benefit Obama.

THE COMEBACK KID

The Crossover of Clinton votes to McCain, not to mention the interaction between the electoral bases of Obama and McCain is also interesting to look at. McCain is also quite an exceptional character in Presidential Candidate terms, beyond the bland and depressing accolade of being the oldest person to receive the GOP nomination, he is less conservative then the incumbent Republican administration, and his support eclectic. His main backing is Liberal Republican and he has a strong pool of support among Independents. He has a high crossover into democrat territory with political endorsements from the more Conservative factions of the Democrat Party (Lieberman for example)and is more appealing to white working class electorate then Obama, which means a strong showing among Clintonites. He also appeals to more conservative factions, though he does not have much weight in Evangelical quarters, his inevitable nomination of Mike Hukabee, ex-governor of the U.S. state of Arkansas, as running mate however should secure a certain amount of Evangelical support. Obama needs to draw the focus away from his obvious weaknesses: foreign policy and his disconnect with the more conservative forces in America (who still flex a lot of political muscle). McCain has a lot of advantages to draw from a resentful Clinton base, strong foreign policy credentials, a broad conservative base and an uncertain and inverted nation. In other words his kind of Conservatism is one which is reassuringly "American" unlike that Barack Hussein guy who wants to take the oath on the Coran, went to Jihad school and had a pot addiction during college.




It would be overly pessimistic to downplay the extraordinary nature of the Obama campaign and it's rather remarkable development over the last year or so. The benefits he can draw on are immense however he must make sure his support does not lose momentum or the Clinton base. I had my hopes pinned on a Clinton nomination but things have not played out rightly, the best thing one can hope for is an elegant bow out of the race by Clinton in the next couple of weeks, followed by a public endorsement of his candidacy. A offering to Clinton of a high profile cabinet or departmental post (Secretary of State?) would seal and ease up Clintonite support for Obama. His clinching of the nomination will be a victory unto itself but the Party base must not tear itself to pieces in the search for a candidate, and compromise it's chance to represent a broad and interesting expression of public discontent in the face of an overly conservative esablishment.

He has no IDea

There is supposedly a plethora of reasons for having ID cards. However once confronted over this Government ministers tend to mumble embarrassed into their chests something about illegal immigration, fighting terrorism and utility, then run off feigning moral "conviction" and introducing them via a wasteful consumer lead system.


The Cards will be made compulsory for Airport Workers, guest workers and students who open a bank account after 2008, a voluntary scheme has also been set up. Should the trial prove successful and the Brown administration is re-elected in 2009/10 ID cards will be made compulsory for anyone over the age of 16. This is not a popular party line, but unlike the Government backed Lisbon Treaty it's not a good one either.




The idea that somehow a plastic card with your fingerprints, details and biometric data will stop illegal immigrants and strengthen borders is laughable. The only conceivable use in that context is to make public services not accessible to them, which is clearly not humane. Nor would ID cards have stopped Mohammad Sidique Kahn, Shehzad Tanweer, Germain Lindsay and Hasib Hussain blowing up London Buses and Tubes on 7/7 since they would have had them anyway. All but one was born and bred in the UK and the other was naturalized at the age of five. As for utility and identification, a passport, driver's license or student card should suffice to prove one's identification (after all the data on a passport is difficult to forge).


Jacqui Smith and Ed Miliband have also trumpeted Crime prevention as a reason. This argument does have some weight, in that not only could it prove useful in a Criminal investigation but it would also prove a disincentive to crime. However to use the often stated and tired phrase (though no less relevant) one ought to be considered innocent until proven guilty,...we cannot ignore what is a cornerstone of our judicial system and our moral compass. A system of collecting data from serial offenders and more serious criminals should be adopted as in Scotland, a blanket data collection system is not right and should be deemed unconstitutional.

In terms of Data safety it is important to remind people of the gargantuan nature of the State bureaucracy. It is a regular and expected occurrence that data is lost, whether under Thatcher, Blair, Brown or even (heaven forbid) Cameron, data will be lost, it would be ridiculous to label an executive "incompetent" because of a bureaucratic mix up. The most recent case involving the loss of 20 million people's benefit data is one among 30 in 2007. There is no strict impermeability because of possible bureaucratic irregularities and mistakes, but also the leaking into the private sphere for criminal or business ends.

It seems to me that the Government should scrap the plan, as it is not necessary, nor is it preferable. Gordon Brown wants to prove that he has substance and conviction, he should therefore break with some of these ridiculous and misguided Blairite vestiges (extended detention time, flouting of constitutional conventions among others) to establish his own view on freedom, rights and the balance of power... a passion of his he has talked up many times. He should distinguish himself from his predecessor by focusing on civil liberties and reforming the legislative/executive process. A healthy refocus of government priority and agenda should be addressed to push back the tide of Care Bear Conservatives and the Callaghan/Major comparisons. New Labour has nothing to fear by proposing an alternative to the old party line on constitutional and rights legislation, or in fact challenging it, since it is a passion of our Prime Minister and is an area where Labour can contrast with the weak chinned Cameroons.